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Israel’s Response to the United Nation's Resolution on Palestine Is Hysterical: Noam Chomsky


The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) passed a resolution 14-0 condemning all Israeli settlements on Palestinian land as having “no legal validity” and amounting to “a flagrant violation under international law.” The resolution goes on to note that Israeli settlements pose “a major obstacle to the vision of two States living side-by-side in peace and security.”


Trump calls UN 'sad' club after vote on Israeli settlements - Raw Story

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Trump calls UN 'sad' club after vote on Israeli settlements ... resolution 2334,
 which describes Israel's ..




This represents the first UNSC resolution in almost eight years concerning Israel and Palestine, and the first in over 35 years regarding the issue of Israeli settlements. Typically the U.S. would veto resolutions critical of Israel, but in this case, the Obama administration opted to abstain, in effect allowing the resolution to pass.
For comment, AlterNet contacted Noam Chomsky, famed linguist, dissident and professor emeritus of MIT. Chomsky said of the resolution, “The UNSC resolution is essentially the same as UNSC 446, March 1979, passed 12-0-3. The main difference is that then two countries joined the U.S. in abstaining. Now the U.S. stands against the world; and under Trump, in even more splendid isolation, on much more crucial matters as well.”

Following the UNSC resolution, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu quickly responded by announcing a halt to his government’s funding contributions to numerous U.N. institutions. Netanyahu called the resolution “a disgraceful anti-Israel maneuver” and blamed it on an “old-world bias against Israel.” Furthermore, he vowed to exact a “diplomatic and economic price” from the countries that supported it.

Shortly thereafter, Netanyahu made good on his threats by personally refusing to meet with the foreign ministers of the 12 UNSC members that voted for the resolution and ordering his Foreign Ministry to limit all working ties with the embassies of those 12 nations. He also summoned the ambassadors to the Foreign Ministry for a personal reprimand over the vote—including, in a highly unusual move, the U.S. ambassador.
Asked about Netanyahu’s response, Chomsky told AlterNet, “The hysterical reaction in Israel and in Congress (bipartisan) reflects their sharp shift to the right in the years since, and the whole incident illustrates quite interesting shifts in world order.”
Palestinian rights advocates have quipped that Israel’s suspension of relations with the UNSC member nations that voted for the resolution—powerful countries including the U.K. and France—has effectively realized a goal of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement. AlterNet contacted Omar Barghouti, one of the founders of the BDS movement, to see what he thought of this assessment. Barghouti replied, "This unanimous resolution, despite its many flaws in addressing basic Palestinian rights, has dealt Israel's colonial designs a serious blow that will inadvertently, yet significantly, enhance the impact of the BDS movement in isolating Israel academically, culturally, economically and otherwise."
"Israel's delusional hubris and surreal threats to punish the U.N. and the world indicate above everything else how deeply alarmed it is at fast becoming an international pariah, as apartheid South Africa once was."
Ali Abunimah, the Palestinian-American founder of the Electronic Intifada, told AlterNet that Israel’s use of diplomatic sanctions against the UNSC member states contradicted its vocal opposition to sanctions advocated by the BDS movement. Abunimah said, “It’s sort of amusing to Israel try to impose sanctions and punish the whole world for this decision…Israel claims that sanctions are illegitimate as a tool except of course when Israel is the one wielding them, whether it’s against Iran or whether against the countries that displeased it.”
Though Israel’s heavy-handed response may concretely impact its diplomatic standing internationally, the resolution itself is largely symbolic and, as professor Chomsky pointed out, a reiteration of an earlier UNSC resolution. However, experts like Richard Falk, professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University and former U.N. Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights from 2008-2014, don’t think the resolution’s symbolic nature means it isn’t important.
As Falk told AlterNet, “The SC resolution at this stage is symbolic. Israel has already announced plans for thousand additional units, and the government has indicated its refusal to comply with the resolution. Nevertheless, it is of great psychological and potentially political support for the Palestinian struggle to end the occupation and achieve a sustainable and just peace. The fact that aside from the United States' notable abstention, all 14 other members of the Security Council voted in favor of the resolution, is indicative of the encouraging reality that the world is not ready to forget the Palestinians, that Israel faces a renewed experience of diplomatic isolation, and that the growing international solidarity movement, including the BDS campaign, will be strengthened and encouraged.”
Asked how the resolution could move from symbolic to something with more concrete effects, Falk responded, “much depends on the future, and whether the commitment in the resolution to have reports from the U.N. Secretary General every three months on implementation will lead to any tangible results beyond a reiteration of censure remains to be seen.”
Though the Obama administration’s unusual decision not to veto a U.N. resolution critical of Israel might be start toward accountability, many Palestinian rights advocates remain cynical about Obama. Abunimah told AlterNet, “Obama has done more than any other president in history to assure Israel’s impunity.”
“When Obama was president-elect, Israel was engaged in this massacre in Gaza in 2008, 2009. When Obama came in he blocked any form of international accountability, trashed the Goldstone report which was the independent U.N. inquiry. The same in 2014 when Israel attacked Gaza, Obama actually rearmed Israel while the bombs were falling on Gaza and then of course the same story of blocking any form of international accountability. And …giving Israel this unconditional boost in military aid—a minimum of $3.8 billion [per year] over the next 10 years, up from $3.1 billion [per year] currently.”
Noam Chomsky: Israel’s Response to the United Nation's Resolution on Palestine Is 'Hysterical'
by Ken Klippenstein, alternet.org
Ken Klippenstein is an American journalist who can be reached on Twitter @kenklippenstein or via email: [email protected]

http://www.alternet.org/world/chomsky-israels-response-unsc-hysterical
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writing efficient emails, like the US military email system


With so much at stake and so much else to accomplish, how does the U.S. military teach soldiers to manage email? 
In the military, we all know, you learn how to fight, how to push past your perceived limits, even how to make your bed.

But there's at least one thing most of us rarely imagine soldiers and sailors learning to do: wading through their inboxes.

But, of course, just like the rest of us, folks in the military face the daunting task of keeping on top of an endless stream of messages.

And, adding to their burden, in their job, processing email in a timely and effective manner could mean the difference between life and death.

With so much at stake and so much else to accomplish (like, you know, winning wars and battling terrorists), how does the U.S. military teach soldiers to manage email? A recent HBR blogs post by Kabir Sehgal, a navy veteran and the author of "Coined: The Rich Life of Money and How Its History Has Shaped Us," offers a glimpse into military email protocol that anyone can use to write more efficient emails. (Hat tip to Lifehacker for the pointer).

Make the most of your subject line

Part of the dread of a full inbox (and part of the reason many of us procrastinate when faced with one) is wondering what sort of long-winded updates and unpleasant requests might lurk within. Those following military email protocol face no such issue. The basic content of each email is crystal clear just from the subject line.

"Military personnel use keywords that characterize the nature of the email in the subject," explains Sehgal, offering this list of examples:

ACTION - Compulsory for the recipient to take some action
SIGN - Requires the signature of the recipient
INFO - For informational purposes only, and there is no response or action required
DECISION - Requires a decision by the recipient
REQUEST - Seeks permission or approval by the recipient
COORD - Coordination by or with the recipient is needed
This system isn't military-specific. Anyone can use it to make processing their missives less time-consuming and stressful. "The next time you email your direct reports a status update, try using the subject line: INFO - Status Update. And if you need your manager to approve your vacation request, you could write REQUEST - Vacation," suggests Sehgal.

BLUF your emails

Out here in the civilian world we sometimes use the acronym TL;DR (that's "too long; didn't read" for the uninitiated) to mark a summary that boils down a lengthy message to its essence. In the military they've codified and improved the idea, insisting every email start with "the BLUF" (or "Bottom Line Up Front").

The BLUF "declares the purpose of the email and action required. The BLUF should quickly answer the five W's: who, what, where, when, and why. An effective BLUF distills the most important information for the reader," explains Sehgal, who gives this example from the Air Force Handbook: "BLUF: Effective 29 Oct 13, all Air Force Doctrine Documents (AFDDs) have been rescinded and replaced by core doctrine volumes and doctrine annexes."

Of course, the actual acronym BLUF would probably just confuse most of the people you email, but the principle can be applied without the military terminology. Just start your emails with Bottom Line in bold followed by a business-version of the BLUF, recommends Sehgal.

Check out the rest of Sehgal's post for a few more tips. Or, if you're looking for more ideas on how to get out of your inbox quicker, check out Zappos boss Tony Hsieh's email management approach, or read up on one author's investigation into the email habits of some of the world's most successful business people.

Read the original article on Inc.. Copyright 2016. Follow Inc. on Twitter.

More: Inc. Military Email Productivity
http://www.businessinsider.com/the-us-military-has-a-system-for-writing-efficient-emails-that-anyone-can-use-2016-12

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Is this how democracy ends? David Runciman

Image result for us democracy end
On election night, almost as soon as it was clear that the unthinkable had become a cold reality, Paul Krugman asked in the New York Times whether the US was now a failed state. Political scientists who normally study American democracy in splendid isolation are starting to turn their attention to Africa and Latin America. They want to know what happens when authoritarians win elections and democracy morphs into something else. The demagogue who promised to kill terrorists along with their families is moving his own family into the presidential palace. Even before he has taken up occupation his children are being seeded into positions of power. There he is on television, shiny and golden, his wife beside him and three of his children lined up behind, ready to take up what daddy has to offer. Here he is back on Twitter, unshackled by victory, rounding on his opponents in the free press. His ten-year-old son is still too young to join in, but he was by his father’s side on election night, looking hardly less bemused than the rest of us, as Trump delivered his notably conciliatory victory speech. Words of conciliation followed by the ruthless personal appropriation of the machinery of government, children in tow. Isn’t this how democracy ends?

It is not to belittle the crisis facing the American republic, and indeed the world, to say that these are the wrong questions. The US is not a failed state. How do we know? Because that’s what Trump said it was during the election campaign and he was lying. He portrayed his country as a place of failed institutions and widespread corruption, its inner cities racked with violence and its political class interested only in enriching itself. It would be a big mistake to think that he won because people believed him. Had they believed him they would hardly have voted for him: putting a man like Trump in charge really would spell the end for American democracy, because it would have left him free to do his worst. People voted for him because they didn’t believe him. They wanted change but they also had confidence in the basic durability and decency of America’s political institutions to protect them from the worst effects of that change. They wanted Trump to shake up a system that they also expected to shield them from the recklessness of a man like Trump. How else to explain that many people who reported themselves alarmed by the idea of a Trump presidency also voted for him? The Clinton camp made a basic error in choosing to target Trump’s obvious character flaws as the reason to keep him out of the White House. It’s not as if those flaws were hidden. For his supporters they were already baked in: harping on them did nothing except make it sound like the Democrats were crying wolf. If this guy were as dangerous as they say, would he really be a serious candidate for president? Yet he must be a serious candidate for president for them to be saying he’s so dangerous. QED he’s not as dangerous as they say.

This is the crisis facing Western democracies: we don’t know what failure looks like anymore and we have no idea how much danger we are in. The language of failed states doesn’t fit the present moment because it conjures up images that are completely inappropriate for a society like the contemporary United States. There will be no widespread civil conflict, no tanks in the streets, no generals on television announcing that order has been restored. Trump’s victory has been greeted with some haphazard protests around the country, accompanied by sporadic violence. Had he been narrowly defeated, and then refused to concede, the story might have been different. But even then I find it hard to believe that civic order in the US would have broken down. The violence would doubtless have been greater and much of it would have been hateful. But widespread armed resistance to the regime is still very difficult to imagine. The US is nothing like the societies where we know what happens when politics falls apart, including Europe in the 1930s, which is often held up as a warning for what might be around the corner. Contemporary America is far more prosperous than other states where democracy has failed in the past, however unequally that prosperity is distributed. Its population is much older. Civil disorder tends to happen in societies where the median age is in the low twenties; in the US it is close to forty. Its young people are far better educated, or at least educated for much longer. Its levels of violence, though high by 21st-century European standards, are low by any historical measure. Its frustrations are those of a country where all this is true and yet still things are going badly wrong. These are First World problems. That doesn’t make them any less serious. It just makes it much harder to find historical precedents for what comes next.
http://www.lrb.co.uk/v38/n23/david-runciman/is-this-how-democracy-ends
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Brothers in arms: Rise and Fall of Muslim Brotherhood (اخوان المسلمین )

Image result for ‫اخوان المسلمین‬‎
They were waiting for some divine intervention to save their reputation, which they had earned over the past eight decades. They waited for 40 days and were finally shaken. They were Brothers and believed they had acquired the rule in Egypt as a divine reward for their long struggle. In 2013, they had staged a sit-in across the country to provide political and moral support to the Muslim Brotherhood’s first president, Mohamed Morsi. It was an incredible event in Egyptian history which was broadcast live by local and international media, including Al-Jazeera.

Political scientists usually see the rise and fall of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in historical, ideological and contemporary political contexts. But Hazem Kandil, an Egyptian political sociologist at the University of Cambridge, has brought in another perspective to understand the Islamist movement, which is the spiritual element that glues the Brotherhood with its members. In his book, Inside the Brotherhood, Kandil mainly attempts to explore the sociology of the Islamist movement, which defines its ideological and political spectrum as well. But the most interesting part of the book is an explanation of the relationship of the Brotherhood members with the divine.

The Brotherhood members were confident that some divine help would come to rescue their government, but after 40 days, Kandil notes, they were visibly shaken by the absence of any such intervention. This is an important question for a political scientist to understand: why do ideological tendencies undermine the political discourse of a movement? In the Brotherhood’s case it is a structural issue. The movement is a unique case study because it nurtured a specific mindset over eight decades and kept its members in an environment that was conducive to transforming certain perceptions into beliefs.

Hazem Kandil’s book offers an analysis of the various facets of the Muslim Brotherhood movement
The initial chapters of the book deal with the organisational structure of the Brotherhood, including how it evolved its systems and created a close community. Many other Islamist movements across the world learned from the Brotherhood’s practices. The following sentence, which is used to welcome a new member into the Brotherhood movement, may sound familiar to Pakistan’s Islamist organisations: “One cannot choose to join the Muslim Brotherhood; one has to be chosen.”

This verdict is a foundation for the character building of a new member. Pakistan’s Jamaat-i-Islami, for example, constitutes five ranks of members. The first rank is muhibin or sympathisers. After initial learning, a sympathiser member can be promoted to the rank of brother, which has its own sub-ranks, and eventually becomes a member of the nucleus group usra, or the family. These ranks are stages of the ideological, religious and sanctimonious growth of an individual.

The founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al-Banna, had evolved these stages gradually. Before this, the Brothers had to attend a cultivating school, which was opened in 1928 with 70 students. As members multiplied, al-Banna organised them into small study groups. The members of the core group met every week, shared personal and professional concerns and lived like a family. The core group also ran the affairs of the movement. The members of the Brotherhood movement believe that this brilliant organisational method is itself a divine blessing bestowed upon al-Banna and the Brothers.
Image result for ‫اخوان المسلمین‬‎
The Brotherhood considers everything fair to achieve its ultimate goal. In the third chapter of his book, Kandil writes: “In the name of necessity, therefore, Brothers allow themselves considerable latitude.” He notes that the Brotherhood’s most frequent violation had always been disinformation and the irony is that they believe it is all religiously sanctioned.

The fourth chapter deals with the rise and fall of the Brotherhood movement in Egypt. In explaining the factors behind the slow rise and rapid fall of the Brothers, Kandil argues that historically, Muslim scholars and rulers coexisted in separate spheres. They sometimes negotiated, sometimes clashed, but mostly worked around each other with minimum friction. However, al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb, whom he calls the Marx and Engels of Islamism, had come up with the approach to bridge the gap.

He also explains how al-Banna’s and Qutb’s different backgrounds contributed to shaping the movement. Though they were born in the same year (1906) in small villages and graduated from the same college, al-Banna had a religious zeal since childhood, and Qutb grew up as a Westernised secularist, and both operated in very different political contexts. Al-Banna started his work under the liberal monarchy of the 1920s, and Qutb in contrast converted to Islamism on the eve of the 1952 coup that led to the authoritarian regime of Mohamed Naguib.

When Egypt’s last monarch first dissolved the organisation in December 1948 — after documents were found about the movement’s militant wing and that resulted in the killing of al-Banna — Qutb revised the whole strategy of the movement. The Brothers responded to the ban and killing of their founder by supporting the coup of 1952. The new Nasser regime had lifted the ban and Qutb was hired as a cultural advisor. This was the time “when [the] Brothers decided to combine the doctrine of al-Banna and Qutb to adapt to their new environment: they would capitalise on the space made available to them by the rulers to garner popular support, while continuing to nurture their pious vanguard to take power when chance allowed (as it did in 2011)”.


Kandil also touches upon the Salafis-Brothers gap and claims that Wahabi thoughts influenced Egypt after the oil boom. The immediate response of the Brothers was “how to absorb the fundamentalist (Salafi) youth that had been active in universities under the rubric of a new organisation: The Islamic Group (Al-Jamaa Al-Islamiya)”. Interestingly, the Islamic Group’s religious and political views were quite different from those espoused by the Brotherhood movement. Kandil elaborates that Islamic Group activists “had no elaborate theories about the comprehensiveness of Islam or the laws of history; they simply wanted to put pressure on rulers — as fundamentalists had done throughout Islamic history — to implement a few legal injunctions: prohibiting alcohol, outlawing usury, segregating genders, etc.” And when the Brothers failed to absorb them, they came up with quite an opposite approach. “Yet [the] Brothers realised that if they did not co-opt them, they would have to compete with them (as they did with their progeny in 2013),” Kandil notes. The Salafis and Brothers divide also helps readers understand how ‘pious’ Egyptians could turn against the Brothers in 2013 without feeling that they had turned against religion as such.

However, the major reasons behind the electoral success of the Brotherhood were its organised political and organisational structures. Apart from other reasons which contributed to the downfall of the movement, two factors were crucial. First was their strict political position: they failed to deliver because of their ineptitude at political bargaining — a skill they had never developed. Second, they attempted to keep relations smooth with the military establishment. Kandil describes how the Brothers dutifully avoided any hint of challenging the autonomy and privileges of the armed forces and even the president buried a fact-finding commission report detailing security abuses during the 18-day uprising. One can justify their accommodative approach giving the reason that the Brothers had earned the right to rule after eight-and-a-half decades of spiritual purification and socio-political toil. They adopted the appeasement policy with the armed forces, but at the same time their major focus was to regulate public morality, foil global conspiracies against Islam, and eventually secure worldwide hegemony. For this purpose they needed an army, which they did not have, and counted instead on divine support to boost their ranks.

The last chapter of the book focuses on Islamism in Egypt and beyond, and provides a comparative analysis of Islamist movements in different regions. Overall this is a comprehensive study of a contemporary Islamist movement, which could also help in understanding the violent expressions of other Islamist movements.

The reviewer is a security analyst and director of the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), Islamabad.

Inside the Brotherhood: (SOCIO-POLITICS) By Hazem Kandil, Polity Press, UK, ISBN: 978-0745682914, 240pp. Published in Dawn, Books & Authors, November 20th, 2016
Source: http://www.dawn.com/news/1297506/brothers-in-arms

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These 63 Websites Will Make You Incredibly Smarter

“Intellectual growth should commence at birth and cease only at death.” — Albert Einstein



Learning should not end after formal education. Lifelong learning, the ongoing, voluntary, and self-motivated pursuit of knowledge can enrich your understanding of different topics and make you a better person every day. Your career, personal life, and total well-being will never be the same if you can commit to some of these awesome resources.
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1/ BBC — Future — In-depth coverage of science, health and technology
2/ 5-minute Drops: Learn a new language for no more than 5 minutes per day.
3/ Makezine: DIY projects, how-Tos, electronics, crafts and ideas for makers.
4/ Peace-Forum: Knowledge, Humanity, Religion, Culture, Science, Tolerance, Peace
5/ Daily Bits Of: Learn anything, anywhere, with daily courses via email.
6/ Skillshare for Mobile: Learn just about anything.
7/ Medium: Don’t miss the amazing pieces here every week.
8/ The School of Life: A place that tries to answer the great questions of life with the help of culture.
9/ Chalk Street: Learn the things that are important to you.
10/ Guides.co: Modern “How To” guides.
11/ University of Reddit: Learn 1,000’s of new things, from reddit.
12/ Highbrow: Expand your knowledge universe in just 5 minutes a day.
13/ InstaNerd: Be smart, instantly.
14/ Degreed: A lifelong learning platform.
15/ Daily Curiosity: Get informed with 5 new amazing
topics, delivered daily.
16/ Lrn: Learn to code at your convenience.
17/ Flowkey: The easiest way to learn piano.
18/ Big Think: Articles and videos featuring expert “Big Thinkers.”
19/ Code School: Learn to code by doing
20/ Lookmunk: Find the best websites to learn something new everyday!
21/ Greatist: Real facts and doable steps for your happiest life
22/ 99U (YouTube) — Actionable insights on productivity, organization, and leadership to help creative people push ideas forward.
23/ Youtube EDU — The education videos that unlock knowledge.
24/ WikiWand — A slick new interface for Wikipedia.
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30/ University of the People — Tuition-free online university that offers higher education in multiple course streams.
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16. Digital Photography School — Read through this goldmine of articles to improve your photography skills.
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38/ Peer 2 Peer University or P2PU, is an open educational project that helps you learn at your own pace.
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54/ Alison: Free online courses from the world’s top publishers.
55/ Course Buffet: Find and compare hundreds of free online courses.
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57/ Curious: Play the game of lifelong learning.
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59/ Snapguide: How-to guides on all your favourite topics.
60/ 99U: Actionable insights on productivity and creativity.
61/ Nautilus: A magazine on science, culture, and philosophy for the intellectually curious.
62/ Aeon: A magazine of ideas and culture.
63/ Psychology Today is devoted exclusively to everybody’s favorite subject: Ourselves.
What is your favourite learning website or app that is not on this list?
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