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07 October 2015

The Grave Threats to World Peace

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One cannot quote just one factor as threat to the world peace. There are series of factors and reasons which has resulted to massive killings, displacement of people and destruction at unprecedented scale in modern history, with no end in sight. Here is a selection of articles which may help to understand some possible reasons of present turmoil:-
  1. Why America Is the Gravest Threat to World Peace: By Noam Chomsky
  2. Rise of Imperial USA
  3. Islamophobia has a long history in US
  4. Islamophobia
  5. US at war with an imaginary Islam: Lies, propaganda and the real story of America and the Muslim world

Image result for threat to world peace

  1. Bernard Lewis Plan to Carve up Middle East and Pakistan
  2. “Greater Israel”: The Zionist Plan for the Middle East The Infamous "Oded Yinon Plan"
  3. How One Man Laid the Groundwork for Today’s Crisis in the Middle East
  4. ISIS, Vanguard of the Global Elite & Plan to Redraw the Middle East 
  5. The Protocols of the elders of Zion  
  6. How to Counter Zionist Plans to divide Middle East: 
  7. America enters the ‘Old Middle East   
  8. Neo-colonialism, a Threat to World Peace
  9. Why Isis fights 
  10. The Refugee Crisis is a Crisis of Imperialism  
  11. World Caliphate: 
  12. Tribulation and Discord in Muslim World
  13. Religion cause wars
  14. Jihad, Extremism?
  15. Illiteracy, Greatest Threat to World Peace  
  16. Poverty As a Great Threat to the World Peace and Economy ...
  17. ISIS, Daesh, Boko Haram, Taliban - Illogical Logic of Terrorists to kill innocent people on name of Islam - Refuted  
  18. Is Pakistan the biggest threat to world peace? 
  19. Frankenstein the CIA created - From Mujahideen to Al-Qaida , Takfiri Taliban ...
  20. The Dreadful Doctrine of Terror : Takfeer عقيدة المروعة من الإرهاب: التكفير
  21. Refutation of Takfiris form Quran & Hadiths
  22. Who are the Khawarij in Pakistan? A critical note on TTP and their ideology
  23. EU poll: “Israel poses biggest threat to world peace”: Flash Eurobarometer survey carried out in October 2003 for the European Commission in the fifteen member states of the EU found that nearly 60 percent of European citizens believe Israel poses the biggest threat to world peace. Iran is considered the second biggest threat, North Korea the third and the United States the fourth. The survey was carried out by EOS Gallup Europe. 
  24. Apartheid's Threat to World Peace: World Conference for ... 
  25. Kashmir - Serious Threat to World Peace    
  26. Are Colonial Empires a Threat to World Peace?  
  27. The major reasons for which India is ranked 8th in the list of ... 

United States Greatest Threat to World Peace 09 ... - YouTube
Sep 22, 2015 - Uploaded by Separation of Corporation and State
Noam Chomsky discusses how the United States (not Iran) is the biggest threat to world peace, when people ...

Why is Russia a threat to world peace? - YouTube
Jul 22, 2015 - Uploaded by ANUchannel
Since Russia's invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine last year, President Putin has continued to have a ...

Poll: US seen as biggest threat to world peace - YouTube

Jan 2, 2014 - Uploaded by RT America
A Worldwide Independent Network/Gallup poll found that 24 percent of people around the world think the US ...

Why Israel Is A Threat To World Peace - YouTube

Jun 26, 2012 - Uploaded by Brother Nathanael

Which Country Is the Biggest Threat To World Peace ...
Sep 18, 2015 - Uploaded by ThinkTank
You might be surprised who a lot of countries see as the most threatening. John and Brett Erlich discuss. Don't ...

PressTV-US wages war on humanity: Author
Aug 2, 2015
The United States has waged war on humanity and has become the greatest threat to world peace and ...

Harvard students: US bigger threat to world peace than ISIS ...

Harvard students: US bigger threat to world peace than ISIS. Oct. 08, 2014 - 1:40 - Campus Reform interviews ...

'Radical Islam' threat to world peace - YouTube

Apr 24, 2014 - Uploaded by PressTV News Videos
Tony Blair, Britain's highly controversial former Prime Minister, is back in the spotlight once more, following a ...
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05 October 2015

Supplying the World's Third Most-Deadly War

At one of the largest weapons fairs in the world last week, the Defence & Security Equipment International (DSEI), leaders of Mexico's navy and other military branches hobnobbed with arms dealers from around the globe.

The International Institute of Strategic Studies earlier this year called Mexico the third most deadly conflict in the world. While the war is purportedly between the state and drug traffickers, Mexican police, military and civilian institutions are deeply involved in protecting drug trafficking organizations, and many of those killed, tortured, or disappeared are Mexican and Central American families who have nothing to do with the drugs trade. European and U.S. governments and arms producers are well aware of the Mexican government's involvement in widespread abuses, which is well documented, but the weapons kept flowing.

In the most prominent case, Mexican police using imported arms attacked, kidnapped, and disappeared 43 student teachers from Ayotzinapa in Guerrero State in September 2014. Investigators of the disappearance of the students discovered that the police implicated in the atrocity used dozens of semi-automatic weapons produced by Colt Industries in the United States, Beretta of Italy, and Heckler & Koch of Germany, all companies that are showing their wares at the DSEI arms fair.

Germany bans weapons sales to the Mexican states of Guerrero, Chihuahua, Chiapas and Jalisco because of serious human rights problems. Heckler & Koch's sales of high-powered G36 rifles violated this ban and other German trade laws, according to Germany's Customs Investigation Bureau. Guerrero and Chihuahua have high levels of state violence, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and forced disappearances, according to investigations by the Mexican National Human Rights Commission and other human rights organizations.

German customs agents called for the prosecution of five ex-directors of Heckler & Koch a fine of three million Euros. But the UK, Italy, and United States have no such restrictions on arms sales to Mexico.

Lately Mexico has been on a buying spree for U.S. military equipment, especially helicopters and armored vehicles, with purchases amounting to more than a billion dollars since March 2014. U.S. Admiral William Gortney said the combined deals represent "a 100-fold increase from prior years."

Since April 2014, the U.S. State Department has approved sales of 21 Blackhawk helicopters to the Mexican military for $790 million, to support Mexican troops engaged in counter-drug operations. The helicopters are produced by Sikorsky, based in Connecticut, and General Electric, in Massachusetts, both vendors at DSEI (Sikorsky through its new parent company, Lockheed). The United States will also reportedly supply six M134 7.62mm machine guns for the helicopters, which fire up to 6,000 rounds a minute.

In May 2015, a Federal Police operation in Tanhuato, Michoacán fired from a Blackhawk helicopter indiscriminately at members of a drug trafficking organization, killing 42 civilians. In July, Mexican federal forces used helicopters and armed patrol carriers ('mini-tanks') to attack the indigenous community of Santa Maria de Ostula, also in Michoacán, while shouting "Up with the Knights of Templar," referring to a narco-trafficking organization that has terrorized the area.

In May 2014, Washington approved a sale of more than 3,000 Humvees for the Mexican military, at a cost of $556 million, in order to expand "existing army architecture to combat drug trafficking organizations" and enhance "interoperability between Mexico and the U.S." The Humvees will be built by AM General in Mishawaka, Indiana. A later report said that in December the Pentagon approved sale of 2,200 of the Humvee vehicles, for just $245 million.

Oshkosh Corporation of Wisconsin sold 245 'Sandcat' armored vehicles in 2012, according to UN data, not long after showcasing them at an arms fair in Brazil in 2011. The vehicles when equipped cost $250,000 apiece.

Mexico City police purchased five helicopters from Texas-based Bell in February, for another $26.4 million. The helicopters were to be assigned to the Condores, a group of special police. Two weeks later, the Mexican Air Force sealed a deal for 15 Bell helicopters, valued for at least $37 million, to be based at an airbase in Jalisco state. In January, the Pentagon said that the Mexican Navy, too, is buying Blackhawks - five of them, for $56 million. Last year, the Navy also received delivery of four King Air 350ER aircraft, to be used for "maritime surveillance of strategic installations, light transport, and medical evacuation." The aircraft are built by Beechcraft Corporation, a subsidiary of Textron Aviation, which sold another six aircraft to the Mexican Air Force in 2012, while Airbus earlier this year sold a C295 aircraft to the Mexican Navy, which are valued at $28 million and can carry anti-ship missiles.

All told, Mexico has purchased $3.5 billion worth of weapons and military equipment from the United States since late 2012, when current President Enrique Peña Nieto came into office, according to the Washington Post. Some were facilitated by the Pentagon at a discount. U.S. arms sales are not subject to human rights legislative restrictions.

In 2013, the U.S. approved more direct commercial sales (which may occur later) of military equipment to Mexico worth more than a billion dollars in, most of it for "spacecraft systems and associated equipment." This could include satellites, GPS systems, or ground control stations. It also approved sales of more than 116 million rounds of ammunition and $187 million in "military electronics."

The sales have also included guns and ammunition. In 2014, the U.S. legally transferred more than 28,000 firearms to Mexico, most of them military rifles, at a value of $21.6 million. The year saw the most firearms sales in dollars of the 15 years that the U.S. Census Bureau has kept data.

Many more weapons crossed the border from the United States illegally. In 2013, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms traced 10,488 firearms recovered at crime scenes in Mexico back to U.S. manufacturers or sales. A University of San Diego study estimated that a quarter of a million firearms were purchased annually in the United States to be trafficked into Mexico from 2010 to 2012. These numbers dwarf the disastrous "Fast and Furious" program by which ATF allowed hundreds of weapons purchased in Arizona to cross into Mexico in 2009 and 2010.

The massive militarization represented by billions of dollars of U.S. and European arms sales to Mexico as well as illegal gun trafficking is bad news for the many Mexicans devastated by the abuses of police and soldiers, the escalation of firepower when fights between government and non-governmental criminal groups occur, and the weapons that make their way illegally to trafficking organizations. To find a healthy balance of trade and address our own problems, the U.S. and European nations must develop other capacities besides producing guns and military equipment for use in dirty wars.

This post also appeared at the Campaign Against the Arms Trade and American Friends Service Committee sites.

Supplying the World's Third Most-Deadly War
by John Lindsay-Poland,

The Record U.S. Military Budget

To listen to the Republican candidates' debate last week, one would think that President Obama had slashed the U.S. military budget and left our country defenseless. Nothing could be farther off the mark. There are real weaknesses in Obama's foreign policy, but a lack of funding for weapons and war is not one of them. President Obama has in fact been responsible for the largest U.S. military budget since the Second World War, as is well documented in the U.S. Department of Defense's annual "Green Book."

The table below compares average annual Pentagon budgets under every president since Truman, using "constant dollar" figures from the FY2016 Green Book. I'll use these same inflation-adjusted figures throughout this article, to make sure I'm always comparing "apples to apples". These figures do not include additional military-related spending by the VA, CIA, Homeland Security, Energy, Justice or State Departments, nor interest payments on past military spending, which combine to raise the true cost of U.S. militarism to about $1.3 trillion per year, or one thirteenth of the U.S. economy.

U.S. Military Budgets 1948-2015

Obama FY2010-15 $663.4 billion per year
Bush Jr FY2002-09* $634.9 " " "
Clinton FY1994-2001 $418.0 " " "
Bush Sr FY1990-93 $513.4 " " "
Reagan FY1982-89 $565.0 " " "
Carter FY1978-81 $428.1 " " "
Ford FY1976-77 $406.7 " " "
Nixon FY1970-75 $441.7 " " "
Johnson FY1965-69 $527.3 " " "
Kennedy FY1962-64 $457.2 " " "
Eisenhower FY1954-61 $416.3 " " "
Truman FY1948-53 $375.7 " " "

*Excludes $80 billion supplemental added to FY2009 under Obama.

The U.S. military receives more generous funding than the rest of the 10 largest militaries in the world combined (China, Saudi Arabia, Russia, U.K., France, Japan, India, Germany & South Korea). And yet, despite the chaos and violence of the past 15 years, the Republican candidates seem oblivious to the dangers of one country wielding such massive and disproportionate military power.

On the Democratic side, even Senator Bernie Sanders has not said how much he would cut military spending. But Sanders regularly votes against the authorization bills for these record military budgets, condemning this wholesale diversion of resources from real human needs and insisting that war should be a "last resort".

Sanders' votes to attack Yugoslavia in 1999 and Afghanistan in 2001, while the UN Charter prohibits such unilateral uses of force, do raise troubling questions about exactly what he means by a "last resort." As his aide Jeremy Brecher asked Sanders in his resignation letter over his Yugoslavia vote, "Is there a moral limit to the military violence that you are willing to participate in or support? Where does that limit lie? And when that limit has been reached, what action will you take?" Many Americans are eager to hear Sanders flesh out a coherent commitment to peace and disarmament to match his commitment to economic justice.

When President Obama took office, Congressman Barney Frank immediately called for a 25% cut in military spending. Instead, the new president obtained an $80 billion supplemental to the FY2009 budget to fund his escalation of the war in Afghanistan, and his first full military budget (FY2010) was $761 billion, within $3.4 billion of the $764.3 billion post-WWII record set by President Bush in FY2008.

The Sustainable Defense Task Force, commissioned by Congressman Frank and bipartisan Members of Congress in 2010, called for $960 billion in cuts from the projected military budget over the next 10 years. Jill Stein of the Green Party and Rocky Anderson of the Justice Party called for a 50% cut in U.S. military spending in their 2012 presidential campaigns. That seems radical at first glance, but a 50% cut in the FY2012 budget would only have been a 13% cut from what President Clinton spent in FY1998.

Clinton's $399 billion FY1998 military budget was the nearest we came to realizing the "peace dividend" promised at the end of the Cold War. But that didn't even breach the Cold War baseline of $393 billion set after the Korean War (FY1954) and the Vietnam War (FY1975). The largely unrecognized tragedy of today's world is that we allowed the "peace dividend" to be trumped by what Carl Conetta of the Project on Defense Alternatives calls the "power dividend", the desire of military-industrial interests to take advantage of the collapse of the U.S.S.R. to consolidate global U.S. military power.

The triumph of the "power dividend" over the "peace dividend" was driven by some of the most powerful vested interests in history. But at each step, there were alternatives to war, weapons production and global military expansion.

At a Senate Budget Committee hearing in December 1989, former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and Assistant Secretary Lawrence Korb, a Democrat and a Republican, testified that the FY1990 $542 billion Pentagon budget could be cut by half over the next 10 years to leave us with a new post-Cold War baseline military budget of $270 billion, 60% less than President Obama has spent and 20% below what even Jill Stein and Rocky Anderson called for.

There was significant opposition to the First Gulf War - 22 Senators and 183 Reps voted against it, including Sanders - but not enough to stop the march to war. The war became a model for future U.S.-led wars and served as a marketing display for a new generation of U.S. weapons. After treating the public to endless bombsight videos of "smart bombs" making "surgical strikes", U.S. officials eventually admitted that such "precision" weapons were only 7% of the bombs and missiles raining down on Iraq. The rest were good old-fashioned carpet-bombing, but the mass slaughter of Iraqis was not part of the marketing campaign. When the bombing stopped, U.S. pilots were ordered to fly straight from Kuwait to the Paris Air Show, and the next three years set new records for U.S. weapons exports.

Presidents Bush and Clinton made significant cuts in military spending between 1992 and 1994, but the reductions shrank to 1-3% per year between 1995 and 1998 and the budget started rising again in 1999. Meanwhile, U.S. officials crafted new rationalizations for the use of U.S. military force to lay the ideological groundwork for future wars. Untested and highly questionable claims that more aggressive U.S. use of force could have prevented the genocide in Rwanda or civil war in Yugoslavia have served to justify the use of force elsewhere ever since, with almost universally catastrophic results. Neoconservatives went even further and claimed that seizing the post-Cold War power dividend was essential to U.S. security and prosperity in the 21st century.

The claims of both the humanitarian interventionists and the neoconservatives were emotional appeals to different strains in the American psyche, driven and promoted by powerful people and institutions whose careers and interests were bound up in the military industrial complex. The humanitarian interventionists appealed to Americans' desire to be a force for good in the world. As Madeleine Albright asked Colin Powell, "What's the point of having this superb military that you're always talking about if we can't use it?" On the other hand, the neocons played on the insularity and insecurity of many Americans to claim that the world must be dominated by U.S. military power if we are to preserve our way of life.

The Clinton administration wove many of these claims into a blueprint for global U.S. military expansion in its 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review. The QDR threatened the unilateral use of U.S. military force, in clear violation of the UN Charter, to defend "vital" U.S. interests all over the world, including "preventing the emergence of a hostile regional coalition," and "ensuring uninhibited access to key markets, energy supplies and strategic resources."

To the extent that they are aware of the huge increase in military spending since 1998, most Americans would connect it with the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the ill-defined "war on terror." But Carl Conetta's research established that, between 1998 and 2010, only 20% of U.S. military procurement and RDT&E (research, development, testing & evaluation) spending and only half the total increase in military spending was related to ongoing military operations. In his 2010 paper, An Undisciplined Defense, Conetta found that our government had spent an extra $1.15 trillion above and beyond Clinton's FY1998 baseline on expenses that were unrelated to to its current wars.

Most of the additional funds, $640 billion, were spent on new weapons and equipment (Procurement + RDT&E in the Green Book). Incredibly, this was more than double the $290 billion the military spent on new weapons and equipment for the wars it was actually fighting. And the lion's share was not for the Army, but for the Air Force and Navy.

There has been political opposition to the F-35 warplane, which activists have dubbed "the plane that ate the budget" and whose eventual cost has been estimated at $1.5 trillion for 2,400 planes. But the Navy's procurement and RDT&E budgets rival the Air Force's.

Former General Dynamics CEO Lester Crown's political patronage of a young politician named Barack Obama, whom he first met in 1989 at the Chicago law firm where Obama was an intern, has worked out very well for the family firm. Since Obama won the Presidency, with Lester's son James and daughter-in-law Paula as his Illinois fundraising chairs and 4th largest bundlers nationwide, General Dynamics stock price has gained 170% and its latest annual report hailed 2014 as its most profitable year ever, despite an overall 30% reduction in Pentagon procurement and RDT&E spending since FY2009.

Although General Dynamics is selling fewer Abrams tanks and armored vehicles since the U.S. withdrew most of its forces from Iraq and Afghanistan, its Marine Systems division is doing better than ever. The Navy increased its purchases of Virginia class submarines from one to two per year in 2012 at $2 billion each. It is buying one new Arleigh Burke class destroyer per year through 2022 at $1.8 billion apiece (Obama reinstated that program as part of his missile defense plan), and the FY2010 budget handed General Dynamics a contract to build 3 new Zumwalt class destroyers for $3.2 billion each, on top of $10 billion already spent on research and development. That was despite a U.S. Navy spokesman calling the Zumwalt "a ship you don't need," as it will be especially vulnerable to new anti-ship missiles developed by potential enemies. General Dynamics is also one of the largest U.S. producers of bombs and ammunition, so it is profiting handsomely from the U.S. bombing campaign in Iraq and Syria.

Carl Conetta explains the U.S.'s unilateral arms build-up as the result of a lack of discipline and a failure of military planners to make difficult choices about the kind of wars they are preparing to fight or the forces and weapons they might need. But this massive national investment is justified in the minds of U.S. officials by what they can use these forces to do. By building the most expensive and destructive war machine ever, designing it to be able to threaten or attack just about anybody anywhere, and justifying its existence with a combination of neocon and humanitarian interventionist ideology, U.S. officials have fostered dangerous illusions about the very nature of military force. As historian Gabriel Kolko warned in 1994, "options and decisions that are intrinsically dangerous and irrational become not merely plausible but the only form of reasoning about war and diplomacy that is possible in official circles."

The use of military force is essentially destructive. Weapons of war are designed to hurt people and break things. All nations claim to build and buy them only to defend themselves and their people against the aggression of others. The notion that the use of military force can ever be a force for good may, at best, apply to a few very rare, exceptional situations where a limited but decisive use of force has put an end to an existing conflict and led to a restoration of peace. The more usual result of the use or escalation of force is to cause greater death and destruction, to fuel resistance and to cause more widespread instability. This is what has happened wherever the U.S. has used force since 2001, including in proxy and covert operations in Syria and Ukraine.

We seem to be coming full circle, to once again recognize the dangers of militarism and the wisdom of the U.S. leaders and diplomats who played instrumental roles in crafting the UN Charter, the Geneva Conventions, the Kellogg Briand Pact and much of the existing framework of international law. These treaties and conventions were based on the lived experience of our grandparents that a world where war was permitted was no longer sustainable. So they were dedicated, to the greatest extent possible, to prohibiting and eliminating war and to protecting people everywhere from the horror of war as a basic human right.

As President Carter said in his Nobel lecture in 2002, "War may sometimes be a necessary evil. But no matter how necessary, it is always an evil, never a good." Recent U.S. policy has been a tragic experiment in renormalizing the evil of war. This experiment has failed abysmally, but there remains much work to do to restore peace, to repair the damage, and to recommit the United States to the rule of law.

If we compare U.S. military spending with global military spending, we can see that, as the U.S. cut its military budget by a third between 1985 and 1998, the rest of the world followed suit and global military budgets also fell by a third between 1988 and 1998. But as the US spent trillions of dollars on weapons and war after 2000, boosting its share of global military spending from 38% to 48% by 2008, both allies and potential enemies again responded in kind. The 92% rise in the U.S. military budget by 2008 led to a 65% rise in global military spending by 2011.

U.S. propaganda presents U.S. aggression and military expansion as a force for security and stability. In reality, it is U.S. militarism that has been driving global militarism, and U.S.-led wars and covert interventions that have spawned subsidiary conflicts and deprived millions of people of security and stability in country after country. But just as diplomacy and peacemaking between the U.S. and U.S.S.R. led to a 33% fall in global military spending in the 1990s, a new U.S. commitment to peace and disarmament today would likewise set the whole world on a more peaceful course.

In his diplomacy with Cuba and Iran and his apparent readiness to finally respond to Russian diplomacy on Syria and Ukraine, President Obama appears to have learned some important lessons from the violence and chaos that he and President Bush have unleashed on the world. The most generous patron the military industrial complex has ever known may finally be looking for diplomatic solutions to the crises caused by his policies.

But Obama's awakening, if that is what it turns out to be, has come tragically late in his presidency, for millions of victims of U.S. war crimes and for the future of our country and the world. Whoever we elect as our next President must therefore be ready on day one to start dismantling this infernal war machine and building a "permanent structure of peace", on a firm foundation of humanity, diplomacy and a renewed U.S. commitment to the rule of international law.
The Record U.S. Military Budget
by Nicolas J.S. Davies,